tell a lie to help him cover a crime." - Nigerian
proverb.
It was literally a life-long ambition, and I used
every opportunity to meet the old man in
person. I was finally in a position to press
buttons and call old friends to render favours,
and in early 2007 I succeeded. I was told I
could see Mandela for only 30 minutes at his
home, but I needed to get there one hour
earlier. Colleagues I had leaned on were
skeptical that I would see him despite the
appointment, particularly since I will not say it
was official. An old South African friend and
course mate from South Africa who helped,
suggested I asked questions or matters I
wanted to discuss with him and send them in
advance. I did not think that was the type of
meeting I wanted, so I did not.
Mandela was surprised when he was told I
worked at the Nigerian Ministry of Foreign
Affairs, but had spent 6 months trying to see
him to pay my personal respects. Why did you
not go through your colleagues here? I told him
the visit was not official. I just wanted to meet
him. He relaxed and apologized that it had taken
that long for me to see him. Others left us,
except a lady who sat discreetly away from us. I
thought she was a medical person.
How are my Nigerian brothers and sisters? He
asked me. He will not let me take the initiative.
'You know I am not very happy with Nigeria. I
have made that very clear on many occasions'.
Now I was curious. I knew of course that he led
our suspension from the Commonwealth after
the hanging of the late Ken Saro-Wiwa and his
Ogoni compatriots. It was also no secret that
South African governments including one he
headed had considerably cooled off towards
Nigeria, and by the time I was meeting him,
Nigeria was a dirty word in most cities in South
Africa. I mentioned that Nigerian people had
very strong and positive dispositions towards
South Africa and the Southern African region,
and many were puzzled that people who marched
all the way with South Africans can be despised
by the governments and people of South Africa.
Yes, he responded. Nigeria stood by us more
than any nation, but you let yourselves down and
Africa and the black race very badly.
I knew I was going to get a lecture, so I sat
back. He spoke with passion and anger at a
nation which has one-quarter of the black race,
and had everything needed to be great, but is
known principally for its dictators and its
criminals. Your country, he said, used to be
respected. After your suspension from the
Commonwealth, many western countries
approached me to help in isolating Nigeria so
that it will be easier to bring down your military
dictators. I consulted many African leaders, and
all were unanimous in their advice. They told me
to stay clear of Nigeria. That you will fix your
problems. You have done it before. 'But', he
shook his head, 'you have not.Not this time'.
The world will not respect Africa until Nigeria
earns that respect. The black people of the
world need Nigeria to be great as a source of
pride and confidence. Nigerians love freedom
and hate oppression.Why do you do it to
yourselves? He remembered Tafawa Balewa, the
first leader who gave his party, ANC, financial
contribution.
I saw an opening here. I suggested that all
Africans are bitter at their leaders. With due
respect, I said, his presidency had not changed
lives of black South Africans much, and his
successors are not likely to do so. Yes, he
agreed,' but we raised hopes that others can do
so. 'He was back to Nigeria. 'Your leaders have
no respect for their people. They believe that
their personal interests are the interests of the
people. They take people's resources and turn it
into personal wealth. There is a level of poverty
in Nigeria that should be unacceptable. I cannot
understand why Nigerians are not more angry
than they are', he continued.
Since it was obvious that he was intent on
pouring his heart out, I decided to let him
speak. 'What do young Nigerians think about
your leaders and their country and Africa? Do
you teach them history? Do you have lessons on
how your past leaders stood by us and gave us
large amounts of money? You know I hear from
Angolans and Mozambicans and Zimbabweans
how your people opened their hearts and their
homes to them. I was in prison then, but we
know how your leaders punished western
companies who supported Apartheid'. I
reminded him that we had elected governments
since 1999, and he knew some of our leaders in
person. Yes, he did. 'But what about the
corruption and the crimes?' he asked? 'Your
elections are like wars'. Now we hear that you
cannot be president in Nigeria unless you are
Muslim or Christian. Some people tell me your
country may break up. Please don't let it
happen'.
He sat back. I obviously got a lot more than I
bargained for. Then he mellowed down, and
apologized. He had not even asked me what I
wanted to see him for, and he was tearing at my
country. It was fine, I assured him. I merely
wanted to meet him and pay my respects. He
then asked me a lot of personal questions, and in
particular what I was doing personally to
improve the capacity of the Nigerian people to
build the nation to be a source of pride and
comfort for Nigerians, Africa and the black
race. But he was in a lecturing mood.
'Let me tell you what I think you need to do' he
said. 'You should encourage leaders to emerge
who will not confuse public office with sources
of making personal wealth. Corrupt people do
not make good leaders. Then you have to spend
a lot of your resources for education. Educate
children of the poor, so that they can get out of
poverty. Poverty does not breed confidence.
Only confident people can bring changes. Poor,
uneducated people can also bring change, but it
will be hijacked by the educated and the
wealthy'.
'Like South Africa today, sir', I quipped. He
paused. 'It will be difficult for the world to
understand that it will take generations to
eliminate the structural roots and effects of
Apartheid.' 'But', I drove the point home, 'You
created the impression that the political
compromises and concessions you made would
lead to a dramatic change in the fortunes of
black people'. 'Drammatic?' he asked. 'In many
ways we achieved dramatic results'.' Like in
sports', I pressed further. 'Sports is important
to South Africans. It gave them confidence to
believe things are possible. And it united them".
'But sir, it created a false sense of progress,
and people here think it is all a gimmick by white
people to create a diversion'.' It is not a
diversion, he countered. It is real. South
Africans will have to come to terms with the
reality that their country is a multi-racial, multi-
cultural nation with rich and poor. Any efforts
to reduce the gulf between the races and
classes is useful, he insisted.
Then he was back to Nigeria. People had said to
him that South Africa could become an
alternative beacon of hope and inspiration for
the black race and Africa. He told them it was
always going to be Nigeria. Nigeria, Egypt and
South Africa can provide a tripod for real
change but young Africans need to capture that
vision. 'So', he said to me, 'If this audience has
been useful, I am glad. But it will be more useful
to me if you go back to Nigeria and work to give
young Nigerians good education. Teach them the
value of hard work and sacrifice, and discourage
them from crimes which are destroying your
image as a good people.'
I have re-lived that rare opportunity many times
since that visit. The 30-minute audience lasted
for one hour, and I was escorted out by a man I
saw close up as human as anyone. I had rarely
come across such candour about my country, but
it was clearly the product of genuine concern
that one of Africa's greatest assets was being
frittered away.
As he shook my hand to say goodbye, he
apologized again over his comments, but assured
me that he would love to see Nigeria grow and
develop into a world economic power under a
democratic system. If there is any comfort to
draw from Mandela's disappointment, it will be
that he may not have observed our free-fall as a
nation in the last five years.
Sent from my BlackBerry® smartphone provided by Airtel Nigeria.
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